Suchergebnisse

Parties link the society with the state . It is their task to recruit members, integrate and train them for taking over leadership positions at different levels . Since 1990 the parties in (unified) Germany lose members . Does this prevent them from fulfilling their functions for the parliamentary democracy? The analysis detects differences between the Länder: Indeed, the capability of parties to recruit members increases with the number of officeholders in local and regional councils and state parliaments . Big cities and the so-called city-states (Berlin, Hamburg and Bremen) reduce the chances for political participation . Where the organisational structure of public administration was reformed the number of local and regional councillors sank and - with some delay - also the number of party members . Are the remarkable differences in the capability of the parties to recruit members a reflection of their internal organisation? Do the structures that are formally laid down in the party statutes influence how opinions are formed and majorities are found? How does the linkage between officeholders and their party - which is necessary for political leadership - work? Do the parties communicate to the people why it pays to get engaged? The differences found between the parties indicate how the capacity for recruiting members can be improved .

Independent factors such as Berlin's administrative form as a city state, election laws, party statutes and rules of procedure work as a constant source of renewal in the composition of the state parliament. This is enforced by compensation and excess mandates as well as external influences. Vacancy due to age, illness, death, promotions and departures are the requirements for parties who make preliminary decisions for the nomination of candidates depending on the provisions of the electoral law and their own statutes. The rates of change of parties vary with the size of the organization, the nomination process in members or delegates meetings at the district or provincial level as well as with quotas for women, newcomers and regions. Overall, the relation between renewal of the members and continuity for efficient performance seems to be balanced at a turnover rate of 40 percent. However, it is debatable, due to the change of voting behaviour in the 21st century, how much regeneration parliaments and political parties tolerate without losing their efficiency. Adapted from the source document.

"Independent factors such as Berlin's administrative form as a city state, election laws, party statutes and rules of procedure work as a constant source of renewal in the composition of the state parliament. This is enforced by compensation and excess mandates as well as external influences. Vacancy due to age, illness, death, promotions and departures are the requirements for parties who make preliminary decisions for the nomination of candidates depending on the provisions of the electoral law and their own statutes. The rates of change of parties vary with the size of the organization, the nomination process in members or delegates meetings at the district or provincial level as well as with quotas for women, newcomers and regions. Overall, the relation between renewal of the members and continuity for efficient performance seems to be balanced at a turnover rate of 40 percent. However, it is debatable, due to the change of voting behavior in the 21st century, how much regeneration parliaments and political parties tolerate without losing their efficiency." (author's abstract)

Die Autorin stellt zunächst die historische Entwicklung des Parteiensystems in Berlin dar, die sich auf folgende Phasen erstreckt: (1) die Phase der breiten Mehrheitsregierungen 1950-1963, (2) die Phase des Zweieinhalbparteiensystems unter SPD-Regierungen 1963-1981, (3) die Phase des Zweilager-Parteiensystems unter CDU-Dominanz von 1981-1989, (4) die Phase des rot-grünen Experiments 1989/90, (5) die Phase der Großen Koalition von 1990-2001, (6) die Phase der linken Mehrheitsregierungen aus SPD und PDS seit 2001. In einem weiteren Abschnitt geht die Autorin auf die Sondersituation Berlins und die bestehenden Unterschiede zwischen Ost- und Westberlin ein. Da nach dem Berliner Wahlrecht alle personalen Entscheidungen autonom in den Bezirken getroffen werden, zeigt die Autorin die Konsequenzen dieser Eigenheit in der ausdifferenzierten und geteilten Großstadt auf. Sie diskutiert dabei die Frage, ob sich unter diesen Bedingungen überhaupt ein einheitliches Parteiensystem entwickeln konnte oder ob eher von mehreren lokalen Parteiensystemen in Berlin gesprochen werden muss. Sie untersucht diese Frage anhand des Wählerzuspruchs und der Mitgliederverteilung der Parteien zwischen den Berliner Bezirken im Jahr 2005. Die zukünftige Entwicklung der lokalen Berliner Parteiensysteme wird ihrer Meinung nach davon abhängen, ob es den Parteien gelingt, die Stadtteile politisch wirksam zusammenzufügen. (ICI)

Die Verfasserin stellt die Entwicklung der CDU in Berlin in den Jahren von 1990 bis 2006 dar, einer Zeit, die mit deutlichen Verlusten der Partei in Folge der Banken- und Spendenaffäre zu Ende ging. Sie behandelt die Stellung der Berliner CDU in der Bundespartei und in der Berliner Politik, ihre Verankerung in den Bezirken, die Organisationsstruktur und Mitgliederentwicklung der Partei und die politische Programmatik der Berliner CDU. Probleme der Berliner CDU sieht sie in der Altersstruktur der Wähler, in der Frauenpolitik, in der Asymmetrie zwischen Ost und West, in der dünnen Personaldecke des externen Spitzenkandidaten sowie in der aufgrund der Autonomie der Bezirke schwachen Stellung des Landesvorsitzenden. (ICE2)